• OBAMA: My fellow citizens:

    I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

    Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

    So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

    That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

    These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

    Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

    On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

    On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

    We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

    In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

    For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

    For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

    For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.

    Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

    This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

    For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

    Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

    What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

    Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

    As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

    Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

    We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

    For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

    To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

    To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

    As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

    For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

    Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

    This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

    This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

    This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

    So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

    "Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

    America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

    Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

    附,"The independent"标明的the buzzwords

    The buzzwords

    12 Nation

    11 New

    10 America

    7 World

    5 Spirit

    3 Hope

    3 Force

    1 Responsibility

    1 Change

    最后我要补充一下,3 freedom, 2 liberty, 1 lead, 1 patriotism

    以上单词加上一些虚词可以组成一句话…… A new nation of America, with the spirit of (bulabulabula), is ready to lead (the world) once more.

  • 生活 - [View]





     我那么喜欢《革命之路》里的凯特·温斯莱特,她说:“So stupid. To put all your hopes in a promise that was never made.” 我在看一本叫从动员到革命的书,无论从何种意义来说,这就是革命的全部意义所在,也是革命的全部失败所在。我不同意那种说法,说这是个关于“美国噩梦”或者“50年代的黑暗一面”的故事,所有终极意义上的悲剧都是不问时间地域的。革命与幻灭,思考和生活,别处和当下,我和你,你和我,一切的矛盾都没有真正的出口。她可以不死,生活可以继续,但所有的事情都仍然在那里。如果你不把希望寄托在一个从未许下的诺言上,你还可以把它放在哪里呢?


     日轨:“放羊的时候,担心草老了,羊瘦了/担心岩边上的小羊摔倒了/用话儿哄,用枝条儿抽/别让它们跑去邻村的山沟/天冷的时候,担心草枯了,叶黄了/担心家里的羊吃不饱了/吃草的羊累,放羊的人苦/ 好多事一辈子也说不清楚


    A kiss is still a kiss in Casablanca, 
    But a kiss is not a kiss without your sigh.
  •  今天逛到很90后的妹妹的qq空间……得知她刚放假回家,惊现家里变化颇大,转贴如下(“注”是我加的)。虽然很像小学生作文,不过我家的家庭生活一向很小学作文:


    爷爷说: 胡锦涛还没跟那个台湾活(和)平类......

    爸爸也是早晨晚上打篮球。。而且打的时候自己很high,嘴里一直喊着“好球” (注:这个我太能想象了!我虽然从来没见过他做走路以外的运动,但是如若运动起来,自high是必然的)



     我开始笑得前仰后合,看到最后一句就有点泪奔了。赶紧留言说姐姐与你们同在=。= 并严肃督促她要在我不在的情况下把两家的贴春联任务贯彻落实,因为往年都是我负责此事的挖。因为我们有好多好多的春联要贴,每年到了28号,我的固定记忆就是:在腊月的寒风中,踩着一个小凳子,有时还要踩着一个小梯子,用我那长满了冻疮的手哆哆嗦嗦地贴对子…… 我以前总是对过年抱怨颇多,还说过春节是很恶毒的节日这种话,其实当然是气话。没有一个节日是恶毒的,我也很喜欢过年,其实节日,只是和你爱的人一起过的日子。每一个和我爱的人一起度过的日子都是节日。

    img 077

  • 新年会 - [La vita]



     其实老师也是很喜欢上网的,尤其喜欢youtube,说到什么某某学者就加一句“他的视频youtube上找得到哦”……“这个也有哦……”“youtube真是好东西啊”;对wikipedia亦有诸多可以从市民社会角度分析的利点;还老喜欢八卦在场另一位同学的BLOG(Modest Comments on What I Have Read),说到这位同学Ohi君,和我一届的学术男,人写博客全是书评,我写博客全是八卦(很搞的是,我们共同认识一个小姑娘学术女,该女子在学西班牙语并打算去南美留学,饭后这位Ohi君说,下次我们三人一起去看切·格瓦拉吧…… 我一点汗,说已经看过上半部啦,29岁那个;他说没关系,还有39岁的别书呢!)。另外,又笑谈Amazon上面他的书的读者评论之恶评(刚刚惊现那书还有podcast。。真时尚啊),继而说到Amazon买书的运费等问题,听到了此等实际问题,我一阵激动,心想终于可以插话了……但刚发表了一点意见对比在Amazon.com买东西和在Amazon.co.jp买东西的对比优劣,大家已经转向市场经济在私人领域的public value啦,于是我觉得以我大妈的逻辑还是不发言为好。


    后来,说到某人,突然问我:马基雅维利读了吗?我弱弱地答,只有一本…… 后又想论李维也可算上,但不知该标题日文怎么说,于是讪讪的转移话题,装作很求知若渴的样子说:到底什么是马基雅维利时刻呢?一位师兄就很激动的出现了,bulabulabula地大讲一通仿佛他比波考克还熟共和主义。


     就这样,从六点钟到11点钟,让我在几乎等于白噪音的环境下熬了五个小时,还错过了观察大圆月的最佳时机。但是出来小店看天空,还是觉得很大,于是我开口道:今天的月亮是12年来最大的哦…… 众人一愣,说:是你这么觉得吗?还是听人说的?待会儿回家没问题吧……




    「牛 になる事はどうしても必要です。吾々はとかく馬になりたがるが、牛には中々なり切れないです。……世の中には根気の前に頭を下げる事を知つてゐますが、火 花の前には一瞬の記憶しか与えて呉れません。うんゝ死ぬ迄押すのです。それ丈です。……牛は超然として押して行くのです。」                        夏目漱石、芥川龍之介・久米正雄への手紙

    2009年元旦  akai1127ohi 


    (题图为那本书的内页,摄影是广岛的原爆纪念馆。网上的介绍如下:原爆圆顶建筑位于1945年的原爆中心点,是广岛产业奖励馆(Industrial Promotion Hall)残存的骨架,矗立于广岛市中心。 1945年8月6日,美国空军在广岛丢下原子弹后,市中心只残存这座建筑,此后它就以这副轰炸后的外观保存下来,作为这场残酷战争的见证,1996年并获 联合国教科文组织列为世界遗产。) 

  • 1. 译文

    前阵子与人讨论如何打发时间时,二姐建议:比如你可以把你觉得很牛但是翻译得很糟的书重新翻译一遍,这确实是件很花时间的事,但是它太花时间了,而且劳心劳神,不合休闲的本意。不过翻篇小文还是很打发时间的,下面这篇是Robert Warshow于1948年写的一篇评论:"The Gangster as Tragic Hero", 我对这位作者所知甚少,仅有的信息显示他是个流行文化评论家,只活了37岁。他这么悲观的人,似乎不应该活得太久。


    文/ Robert Warshow   译/ 小狼 


     自然,这种公民义务在大众文化的各个机关体现地最为强烈。一个单个的公民还是有可能被允许拥有他的私人悲伤的,只要这在政治上无关紧要,此宽容的限度由社会可以容纳的私人生活的空间大小来决定。但是大众文化的任何产品都是公共行为,就必须符合那些公共善的广为接受的概念。没有人会真的去质疑这个原则:维持公共道德是大众文化的一项功能,而且显然在它的观众们中,没有人会拒绝自己的道德被维持。当大部分公民的普遍状态是处于焦虑中时,我们的文化就会被某种极度兴奋所席卷,像个咧嘴大笑的傻子。根据对生活的态度,其实一个“快乐”的电影比如“Good News”和一个“悲伤”的电影比如“A Tree Grows in Brooklyn”之间并没有太大区别,前者无视死亡和痛苦,而后者把死亡和痛苦当作更高的乐观主义的小插曲。










     在Scarface的开始一幕中,我们看到了一个成功的男人;我们知道他成功是因为他刚刚得到一伙势力不小的帮派而且因为他被叫做“Big Louie”。经过了某些致命的疏忽之后,他让自己处于几分钟的独处状态中。我们都立刻明白,他就要被干掉了。在黑帮片中再没有比这个惯例更明显的了:独处是很危险的。但是在成功的非常条件下,不独处是不可能的,因为成功永远都是一种个人卓越的确立,并必须强加于他人之上,而这必将引起他人的仇恨;一个成功的人就是一个不法之徒。匪徒的全部生活都是一种坚持自己作为“个体”的努力,把自己从茫茫人海中推出来,然后他总是会死因为他是一个个体;最后一颗子弹穿透他的背,令他,最终,失败了。“圣母啊,”临死的小凯撒说,“这就是Rico的结局吗?”——用第三人称来说自己,因为陷入绝境的并不是一个不可辨别的“人”,而是一个拥有名字的个体,这个匪徒,这个成功;即便对他自己来说,他也是一个想像的创造(T.S.艾略特曾指出,很多莎士比亚的悲剧英雄都有意以这种戏剧性的方式看待自己;他们的真实自我,在他们死亡时被摧毁的,是某种外在于他们自身的东西——不是一个人,而是一种生活形式,一种意义)。





     作为引言控的我,常常会突然想起一句话而想不起在哪里看到它,然后花费很长时间去找出来。昨天遇到这样的情况,唯一的线索是:我记得那是一句英文,发生在最近,在看到那句英文时我立刻联想到了一句中文,“在命运的漂流中,爱情带有岸的面目,可后来我们知道,它不过是一条船,同样是随波逐流。” 这句中文是以前在苏美的博客上看到的。

     然后我就动员了一切可能的技术手段来寻找它,翻遍了最近看的书,delicious diigo scrapbook等各种书签,ggreader上的条目,甚至最近看过的电影台词,歌词…… 无果,最后只好去对历史记录进行地毯式排查。最终,不折腾会死星人的我找到了那句,出奇的短,其实是amazon上对昆德拉的小说的一条读者评论的标题,说:“Is Love the Anchor of Uncertainty's Ship ?” 我觉得二者非常异曲同工,只不过前者,把命运的不确定性比作河流,把爱比做船;后者把不确定性比做船,而爱是个打了问号的锚——本质上,回答是否定的。因为评论的那本小说——不能承受的存在之轻,讲述的正是这场命运的漂流与永恒回归的故事。

  • 【Ursa Major】恒星 - [View]




    1.版本一。文曲星即天权星,也就是北斗四,也就是δ(终于找到了怎么输入希腊字母……) Ursae Majoris。

    2.版本二。文曲星也就是“魁星”,比如,传说苏轼是魁星下凡转世,连宋江都是天魁星转世,这颗星的转世门槛真低。但是魁星本身也说法不一,说法A是北斗一(天枢,α Ursae Majoris);说法B是斗身上的四颗星(天枢、天璇、天玑、天权)合称为“魁”。(「春秋運斗樞」曰:北斗中的「第一至第四為魁」)

    文昌二 υ Ursa Majoris
    文昌三 φ Ursa Majoris
    文昌四 θ Ursa Majoris
    文昌五 15 Ursa Majoris
    文昌六 18 Ursa Majoris






    《丹 元 子 步 天 歌 》     
    三 垣

    紫 微 宮

    中 元 北 極 紫 微 宮 , 北 極 五 星 在 其 中 , 大 帝 之 座 第 二 珠 ,
    第 三 之 星 庶 子 居 , 第 一 號 曰 為 太 子 , 四 為 後 宮 五 天 樞 ,
    左 右 四 星 是 四 輔 , 天 乙 太 乙 當 門 路 。 左 樞 右 樞 夾 南 門 ,
    兩 面 營 衛 一 十 五 , 東 藩 左 樞 連 上 宰 , 少 宰 上 輔 次 少 輔 ,
    上 衛 少 衛 次 上 丞 , 後 門 東 邊 大 贊 府 。 西 藩 右 樞 次 少 尉 ,
    上 輔 少 輔 四 相 視 , 上 衛 少 衛 七 少 丞 , 以 次 卻 向 前 門 數 。
    陰 德 門 星 兩 黃 聚 , 尚 書 以 次 其 位 五 , 女 史 柱 史 各 一 戶 ,
    御 女 四 星 五 天 柱 。 大 理 兩 星 陰 德 邊 , 勾 陳 尾 指 北 極 巔 ,
    六 甲 六 星 勾 陳 前 , 天 皇 獨 在 勾 陳 裡 , 五 帝 內 座 後 門 間 。
    華 蓋 并 杠 十 六 星 , 杠 作 柄 象 華 蓋 形 , 蓋 上 連 連 九 個 星 ,
    名 曰 傳 舍 如 連 丁 , 垣 外 左 右 各 六 珠 , 右 是 內 階 左 天 廚 ,
    階 前 八 星 名 八 穀 , 廚 下 五 個 天 棓 宿 。 天 床 六 星 左 樞 右 ,
    內 廚 兩 星 右 樞 對 , 文 昌 斗 上 半 月 形 , 稀 疏 分 明 六 個 星 。
    文 昌 之 下 曰 三 公 , 太 尊 只 向 三 公 明 , 天 牢 六 星 太 尊 邊 ,
    太 陽 之 守 四 勢 前 。 一 個 宰 相 太 陽 側 , 更 有 三 公 向 西 偏 ,
    即 是 玄 戈 一 星 圓 , 天 理 四 星 斗 裡 暗 , 輔 星 近 著 開 陽 淡 。
    北 斗 之 宿 七 星 明 , 第 一 主 帝 名 樞 精 , 第 二 第 三 璇 璣 是 ,
    第 四 名 權 第 五 衡 , 開 陽 搖 光 六 七 名 , 搖 光 左 三 天 槍 明 。


     虛 宿

    上 下 各 一 如 連 珠 , 命 祿 危 非 虛 上 呈 , 虛 危 之 下 哭 泣 星 ,
    哭 泣 雙 雙 下 壘 城 , 天 壘 團 圓 十 三 星 , 敗 臼 四 星 城 下 橫 ,
    臼 西 三 個 離 瑜 明 。


    little dipper, south of somewhere


  • 八千小时 - [Seasons]




      零点5分时的摩天轮才是最寂寞的,烟火放完了,闪烁的灯也消失了,人群纷纷散去,涌向不远处的车站。旁边的小姑娘说:It's really an electricity-saving city. 大家都笑了,因为谁也知道城市永远不会节省的,连daylight saving time都有人证明出事实上是更费电而不是省电。这个晚上的很多神社和寺庙都是灯火通明,凌晨三点的电车上依然拥挤,虽然大多数人满脸倦容。大家都放假歇业的时候,交通部门和便利店真是辛苦了,同样辛苦的还有邮递员叔叔们。

      理论上讲所有的年贺状都应该在今天上午发出,于是下午我起床后出去买便当,看到楼下的小桌上扔了寄到这个楼里的年贺状,不多,但是凑在一起很热闹。 New Year Cards




  • jetztzeit - [La vita]






    img 287


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    img 281

    4.无论坐在哪里,目光所及之处必有银杏树 img 002b


    img 072

    6.某天在六本木某个电影试映会看切·格瓦拉,从所在的楼层往下看,可以看到一个人造星空。 img 004

    7.和当时即将迎来50岁生日的东京塔。 img 010


    img 354


    img 332 img 395


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    img 345  img 381 img 319