• 宣传 - [Share]

    2009-12-11

    民族认同与历史意识:
    审视近现代日本与中国的历史学与现代性
     
    History, Identity and the Future in Modern East Asia:
    Interrogating history and modernity in Japan and China
     

    主办:复旦大学文史研究院
            (Fudan University, National Institute for Advanced Humanistic Studies)
            荷兰莱顿大学东亚研究中心
            (Leiden University, Modern East Asia Research Centre)
            日本东京大学哲学研究中心
           (Tokyo University, Centre for Philosophy)
    日期:2009年12月14—16日
    地点:复旦大学光华楼
    参会学者
     
    (按论文发言顺序排列)
    Stefan Tanaka
    芝加哥大学历史系

    酒井直树(Naoki Sakai)
    康奈尔大学比较文学系

    中岛隆博(Takahiro Nakajima)
    东京大学哲学研究中心

    Christian Uhl  
    根特大学

    朱维铮
    复旦大学历史系

    艾尔曼(Benjamin A. Elman)
    普林斯顿大学东亚系

    石井刚(Tsuyoshi Ishii)
    东京大学综合文化研究科

    李孝迁
    华东师范大学历史系

    刘龙心 
    台湾东吴大学历史系

    章   清
    复旦大学历史系

    罗志田
    北京大学历史系

    彭国翔
    清华大学哲学系

    桑   兵
    中山大学历史系

    何乏笔(Fabian Heubel) 
    台湾中研院中国文哲研究所

    魏格林
    (Susanne Weigelin-Schwiedrzik)  
    奥地利维也纳大学东亚系

    小林康夫(Yasuo Kobayashi)
    东京大学哲学研究中心

    孙   歌  
    中国社会科学院文学研究所

    Els van Dongen  
    莱顿大学东亚研究中心

    Rikki Kersten   
    澳大利亚国立大学亚洲研究院

    孙英刚  
    复旦大学文史研究院

    U. Matthias Zachmann
     慕尼黑大学日本研究中心

    葛兆光   
    复旦大学文史研究院

    慕唯仁(Viren Murthy)  
    渥太华大学历史系

    吴展良    
    台湾大学历史系

    施耐德(Axel Schneider) 
    莱顿大学东亚研究中心

    王汎森 
    台湾中研院历史语言研究所
     
     
    会议议程
     
    2009年12月14日  下午
    光华楼东辅楼102报告厅
     
    15:00        【开幕式】                    主持人:杨志刚
    主办方代表致辞、参会代表合影
    15:30        【主旨报告一】              主持人:施耐德
    Stefan Tanaka:东亚:时间与历史的界定
    16:15        评论:酒井直树、吴展良、Rikki Kersten
    16:30        讨论(30分钟)
     
     
    2009年12月15日  上午
    光华楼西主楼2801
     
    9:00          【第一场:现代性与哲学:跨越国界的思考(A)】主持人:艾尔曼
    酒井直树:国体:“牧领”和民族自觉
    中岛隆博:内藤湖南治史:如何摆脱对“统”的追求
    Christian Uhl: 福泽谕吉和宫崎滔天自传里的现代性与历史
    10:00        讨论(30分钟)
    10:30        茶歇
     
    10:45        【第二场: 现代性与知识转型】     主持人:朱维铮
    艾尔曼:“赛先生”为什么中文叫作科学?——挽救中国历史上的格致学
    石井刚:“言”和“文”的真理表述:章太炎的语言实践,或者哲学话语方式
    李孝迁:魏特夫与近代中国学术界
    11:45        讨论(30分钟)
     
     
    2009年12月15日  下午
    光华楼西主楼2801
     
    14:00   【第三场:现代性与历史(A)】      主持人:Rikki Kersten
    刘龙心:从六经皆史走向四部皆史──论中国史学的现代追求
    章  清:“历史的意义”:基于晚清科举改制的检讨
    罗志田:清季民初经学与史学易位补论
    15:00        讨论(30分钟)
    15:30        茶歇
     
    15:45   【第四场:现代性与哲学:跨越国界的思考(B)】主持人:章清
    彭国翔:典范与方法:侯外庐与作为现代学科的“中国哲学史”研究
    桑  兵:概念与事物:近代“中国哲学”发源
    何乏笔:文化民族主义与东亚现代性:寻找当代儒学中的跨文化思想
    16:45        讨论(30分钟)
     
     
    2009年12月16日  上午
    光华楼西主楼2801
     
    9:00          【主旨报告二】     主持人:酒井直树
    魏格林:重新想象中国农民:以大跃进的历史叙述为中心
    9:45         评论:小林康夫、彭国翔、何乏笔
    10:00    讨论(30分钟)
    10:30        茶歇
     
    10:45        【第五场:战后现代性讨论】     主持人:小林康夫
    孙  歌:日本战后民众史研究中的“现代性”问题
    Els van Dongen:重写中国近代史:二十世纪九十年代早期对现代性的回应
    Rikki Kersten:历史创伤、知识分子政治转向与主体一致性——吉本隆明的“1945年情结”
    11:45        讨论(30分钟)
     
     
    2009年12月16日  下午
    光华楼西主楼2801
     
    14:00       【第六场: 现代性与国家:边界的重绘】 主持人: 罗志田
    孙英刚:构建“中世纪”:西方学术话语与东方史学脉络
    U. Matthias Zachmann:东亚的未来(1937-1945):“大东亚”概念对中日关系的重新审视
    葛兆光:边关何处?——十九二十世纪之交“满蒙回藏鲜”学的兴起及其背景
    15:00        讨论(30分钟)
    15:30        茶歇
     
    15:45       【第七场:现代性与历史(B)】     主持人:葛兆光
    慕唯仁:章太炎的唯识佛教平等观:以明治佛教哲学为背景
    吴展良:晚清思想的“生元主义”与反启蒙倾向
    施耐德:对现代性的批判:民国史学话语的规范和发展
    王汎森:关于王国维的“道德团体”论
    16:45        综合讨论(45分钟)

    ------------------------

    看到名单好多眼熟人,蹭过几节课的,上过两个学期课的,听过一次讲座的,碰上过一次会议的,崇拜已久从未谋面的,等等,故宣传一下,上海的好学历史的童鞋们有空的话该尽量去围观才是。

    其中资历最浅最没名气的大概就是我系的石井老师啦,石井老师是我遇到过中文说得最好的非中文母语人士,而且比很多中文母语的还要好。我忘了有没有在这里推荐过他的博客,也许有过也许没,总之再荐一次:石井老师的Stone‘s blog 思通博客,中日文兼备(还有中文学习指南,囧)(Blogspot,不喜翻墙者请忽略)。

    比如这一段

    自从佐藤慎一老师1996年出版《近代中国の知識人と文明》(東京大学出版会)以来,时隔十几年又出了这么一本俯瞰近现代思想史的大师级专著,岂不是一件快事!

    佐藤愼一先生が1996年に『近代中国の知識人と文明』(東京大学出版会)を出してからすでに十数年、ようやくまた斯界を代表する論者がこうして近現代思想史を俯瞰的に収めた著作を発表したという点でたいへん重要です。

    比较他写的两个版本,明显是中文比母语写得更生动有趣啊~

  • 声音日志 - [Share]

    2009-02-24

     此前已有小范围推广,现在这里做广告一下。作为互联网技术爱好者的我,最近开始试验podcast,虽然由于技术设备太差,试验品的声音都是很惊悚的。欲感受惊悚版来自小狼的有声读物,请点击以下链接:

    小狼的声音日志

     因为是播客嘛,当然更欢迎订阅,用ggReader来听的话有比较好看的quicktime播放,比网页上的播放器好用一点。要是有人用itunes订阅的话我就美死了。

     根据小范围推广的反馈,普遍的反映是:啊,真好玩,我也要去弄一个……可见还是很容易引起共鸣的,不过大家都比较忙,不像我闲人一个,只忙着自娱自乐。另外还有女博士midi姐姐的评价是:情书念的很温柔啊,拿这个给大叔听,会让大叔感动的!不过我早有认识到那个道理,并且在此博客中也引用过那句罗兰巴特:“一旦明白人们并非为了对方而写作,而且我将要写的这些东西将永远不会使我的意中人因此而爱我,一旦明白写作不会给你任何报答,任何升华,它仅仅在你不在的地方——这就是写作的开始。”“不论是哲学巨著还是箴言集,不论是抒情诗还是小说……没有人愿意谈论爱情,除非是为了某某人。”所以说,写情书和念情书也是一个道理。动机是为了某某人,但结局只是与某某人无关。这就是为什么,我每天都写很多的“恋人絮语”,写在本子上,写在gmail里,或者写在隐藏的blog里,现在又多了一项娱乐方式就是对着麦克风讲今天吃了什么饭、买了什么东西、看了什么书,然后把声音日志存在文件夹里,按日期排列好。唔,还有比这更怨妇的举动吗(不过也难说,我wazawaza写这一段是为料啥)?

     贴两个试验品以觞不愿点链接的读者。提示1:声音惊悚,尤其是对认识我的人而言,请备好还原度较高的耳机。2:不要听到最后,最后会有广告出来吓人一跳。免费网站嘛,总是会有广告的。

    下面一个挪威森林是我觉得技术上比较不那么失败的,但是内容就差了点。尤其请学日语的小朋友们多包涵,娱乐而已,勿较真~

  • 娱乐时间 - [Share]

    2009-02-23

    拿奖拿到手软的感觉,想必现在的温斯莱特最为了解。美国学院奖和英国学院奖的同质性也太强了,女主女配影片全都搞到一样,即便如此,看到bbc的新闻说“英国电影在本届奥斯卡大放异彩”云云还是很想笑,好像金球奖的时候也是这么说的,一副可怜巴巴的样子。

    在天涯爬文,看到有人引用网易的报道“导演泷田洋二郎携主演本木雅弘、广末凉子登台领奖,泷田洋二郎感谢学院,感谢拍摄这部电影过程中所有帮助过自己的人,不过他的日式蹩脚英语却引起台下一阵哄笑。” 引起广大共鸣。其实村上春树在耶路撒冷文学奖的演说发音同样蹩脚(虽然村上的英文很好,也是美国文学的翻译家),但是大家的回应是热烈掌声——当然料,政治和娱乐是不能比的。不过网易的新闻还真是小心眼。

    还看到希斯莱杰的饭泪奔道:jack,你男人终于拿奖了T_T。。我爬文的最大收获是,有人目光如炬地指出佩内洛普的衣服和王菲阿姨2000年演唱会的衣服很像,对比如下;

    感慨:

    1.上半身果然一模一样。

    2. 这么一比,佩内洛普实在是太健壮了啊!

    3.王菲老师您的香肩倘若不能常常为世人所见,实在是美的悲剧。

     不过,我以前没觉得西班牙美女有多好看。传说是男人很喜欢的那种类型。最近倒觉得她越来越漂亮了,难道是因为看习惯了?另,在网上看娱乐图片的时候发现BAFTA上面的英伦80后演员们可真是太娇艳欲滴娇嫩可人了。对我来说35以上的大叔大妈和20以下的小朋友比较容易赢得好感,20代则很不受待见,尤以凯拉奈特莉为代表,又不好看又不会演戏,到底是怎么红的?下面图片展示迷人的尼古拉斯和Emma,Emma同学真是美的不像话(有时候看起来有点像Effy,名字都很像)。

    尼古拉斯左拥右抱

    亮点是衣服上的雨滴!

    最后一张尤其像Effy,收工~

  •  我以前就说,我若是某天开始关心某件事,就会在接下来的几天内总是遇到与该事情有关的事情。比如说吧,我昨天刚在ellensuan的blog看到关于坂东玉三郎的介绍,以及一个歌舞伎演员与昆曲演员合演游园惊梦的视频,于是我就去搜了其他的视频来看,于是今天就遇到一个歌舞伎和昆曲迷。下午参加一个很失败的考试,都怪我很久很久没有考试过了,失意之余就在图书馆看youtube,消磨时间到晚上去饮酒会。

     事实证明我还是很拙于日常对话,所以整个吃饭的部分都是吃得昏昏欲睡,直到听说对面的大叔是卢梭研究者,且是高桥哲哉(此人在中国给人的印象似乎是靖国问题研究者,其实在学院的专业是法国哲学)的学生,且以前的毕业论文是关于市民宗教,总算有话题可以说了。说啊说,竟发现此大叔还是中国戏曲爱好者,尤其喜好昆曲,虽然他不懂中文,虽然他的法文可能好过我的中文,但是凭着伊对中国古典文学的热情在高校时代还背下过整首的长恨歌(高中生一般都要修汉文课),泪奔,我都没有背下全文过。说到昆曲呢,他就写了“坂东玉三郎”的名字问我是否听过此人,我说“啊,昨天刚听到的……不过今天下午在网上看了他的很多演出视频=。= ” 大叔说坂东桑真是很好很厉害的演员啊,他的贵妃醉酒非常之迷人,不过当然了,还是梅兰芳更厉害。我说既然如此,你一定要去看一个电影阿…… 正在寻思如何描述时,大叔已经会意:Leslie Cheung?我说是啊是啊,且,最近该导演又拍了一个,名字就叫梅兰芳哦。大叔很惊讶,说不知道哦,继而按照一般惯例说谢谢你告诉我!每次我被这样说都有点奇怪的感觉,有什么好谢的呢……

     继而大叔问旁边的人一种花的汉字该怎么写,那人也不知道,拿出字典来查,原来是牡丹,猜也猜得到,牡丹亭要出现了。坂东桑大概是第一个出演昆曲的歌舞伎演员,牡丹亭是这位专业18世纪法国哲学的博士大叔的最爱。于是我便讲了一下冯小青的故事,以表示牡丹亭同样深受我国人民喜爱,曾经。但是现在的中国小朋友都不大喜欢中国戏了,我虽然大学的时候看过这出,不过只对男主角长得很帅印象深刻(并曾参与了迄今为止最疯狂的追星活动,追到人住处直到拍了照片罢休。刚才发现,该男子在坂东玉三郎版的牡丹亭里面也演了柳梦梅)……我们只把它当古代汉语的文学作品放在中学的语文课本里,因为唱词真的很美,大叔不懂中文真遗憾。我写下最有名的一句“良辰美景奈何天,便赏心乐事谁家院”,大叔说记得这个场景,但不知唱词何意,无奈我解释不出,我连用现代汉语都解释不出这句话的意思>_<。但是写下“游园惊梦”这个词的时候,宫泽理惠阿姨就出现了,虽然宫泽也和坂东一起演过戏,不过重点在另一位女主角上面,大叔说Joey Wong是他最喜欢的中国女演员(一个小原因是名字里都有“贤”字,不过日本人叫贤x的太多啦),于是倩女幽魂也是最爱之一,这时我发现前面提到的所有演员之间都存在某种联系。

     我问,你是对戏剧有普遍的热爱呢还是独独针对中国戏剧。他说,西洋的戏剧虽然也很好看,但是二者之间没有可比性,表达的内容和方式都完全不一样。西洋的戏剧,当然也有历史剧,其主题实质上都是非历史性的,你在看戏的时候就感到舞台上发生的一切是脱离历史的永恒冲突;但中国的戏剧,包括牡丹亭这样的看似只有儿女私情的戏,舞台帷幕拉开你就觉得能看到漫长的历史的影子。

     啰啰嗦嗦写了这么多无重点的对话,本来是打算贴到豆瓣日记的,可是那儿没法贴视频,只好放这里了。我回来就在youtube上面搜了所有版本的皂罗袍来看,百看不厌,真是春光旖旎地展现了吾国的漫长历史亚。

     开头的游园2,“不到园林怎知春色如许”开始在大概3:45处。下面是一个附有英文介绍的坂东玉三郎演的杨贵妃,不过,歌舞伎风的表演我都觉得有点可怕,因为人都没表情的……。

     

  • OBAMA: My fellow citizens:

    I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

    Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

    So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

    That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

    These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

    Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

    On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

    On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

    We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

    In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

    For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

    For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

    For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.

    Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

    This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

    For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

    Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

    What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

    Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

    As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

    Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

    We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

    For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

    To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

    To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

    As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

    For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

    Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

    This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

    This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

    This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

    So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

    "Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

    America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

    Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

    附,"The independent"标明的the buzzwords

    The buzzwords

    12 Nation

    11 New

    10 America

    7 World

    5 Spirit

    3 Hope

    3 Force

    1 Responsibility

    1 Change

    最后我要补充一下,3 freedom, 2 liberty, 1 lead, 1 patriotism

    以上单词加上一些虚词可以组成一句话…… A new nation of America, with the spirit of (bulabulabula), is ready to lead (the world) once more.

  • 星期二 - [Share]

    2008-11-04

     虽然美国人民的星期二才刚开始,我要在这里纯属花痴的说一句:我是多么的想给Obama君投票啊。。伊是一个多么好的演员啊,伊要是没来选总统的话,一定可以成为一个比他当的总统要伟大的多的演员,我一定会很饭很饭他的。。我最近只要是有空看电视就翻来覆去有限的几个频道追寻奥君的身影,没事就在youtube一长串的视频列表里点来点去,一边看一边乐,当我在图书馆上网一边看奥君的视频一边忍不住笑出声的时候身旁一位韩国同学十分疑惑。其实我也会热泪盈眶的,我看到台下观众热泪盈眶我也就热泪盈眶了,可是奥君永远都在重复比你能够想象的还要大而空的空话。。。包含热情。。用他那很sexy的声音一遍又一遍的说:“yes we can change”.."As a proud citizen of United States and a fellow citizen of the world...""This city, of all cities,knows the dream of freedom ""221 years ago...""4 years ago..."然后我就忍不住要笑。。尤其是听到他说,"I love you so much, I'm so proud of you……" 更觉得奥君实在是太可爱了。虽然作为政治科学的学生我应该懂得保守审慎才是明智,不应该理会说大话。。不应该被外表冲昏头脑,但是,但是,我相信如果我可以,我一定会为伊投上一票的!

    (楼下经常过来一个美国小伙,他住在横滨姨妈家里,但是因为忍受不了姨妈家的破烂网速,于是每天都乘电车到这边来上网=。= 每天啊。。。前日问起他选战倾向,曰实在受不了佩林。。“如果佩林做副总统的话,我就不回去了。。哼。。反正我现在也有了日本国籍 ” =。=)

    本来想找个演讲视频贴一下,后来决定还是贴下面这个比较古老的music video吧。因为这个里面的奥君尤其的帅。。照片一大堆,随便哪一个都有型有款,您怎么不去拍电影??有没有和我一样觉得他哪里长得有点像tony梁的。。。

     

     
     

    发件人 reference

    最后一张来自nyt的一个视频的截图,欲观更多奥君的照片请观看此视频。。。唔,再过两个月,就要叫奥总了阿=。=  

     

    http://www.nytimes.com/packages/html/politics/2008-election-overview/

     

  • 语录体(一) - [Share]

    2008-10-26

    今天收拾旧物,翻到一个2006年的小本,里面抄了很多有出处或者无出处的句子,展现了两年前我作为好学上进的大学生的精神风貌,摘录一些留此存照。

    2006-4-29,王小妮:

     我们四处漂泊,心无定所。一声汽笛、一个手势,一阵风雨,都改变着,阻碍着我们回去的路。我们是永远徜徉在路途之上的无家可归者。唯一可安慰的是我们在亲身经历一个回家的过程。这个过程的美妙,完全是因为它的无望。
     我们不能第里二次涉过那同一条河流。那河流再温暖也已经流进了苦涩的海谷里。只有很少的东西是永恒的,比如可以穿透一切的风望着我们,好像当年那个戴着豹皮帽子,留着冻鼻涕的司机。
     回到家的那天,没日也没月,没风也没雪,世界不在了,我就坐在你的家里。

    5-4,梅特林克(写“青鸟”的那个)
     
     生命的长河中我们永远孤独,甚至没有自己做伴,因为我们对自己一无所知,我们若不在日子和日子间沉浮,便在荣誉和荣誉、年轮和年轮间沉浮。

    5-5,阿伦特 (“别的爱”大概是说,祖国爱,民族爱之类)

     事实上我只爱我的亲朋好友,至于别的爱我无能为力。

    路德 (遗言)

     我们都是穷乏人——这是真的。

    5-17,D.H.劳伦斯

     那些最不自由的人奔向西部去呼唤自由了。人只有在对自由毫无感知的情况下才是自由的。对于自由的呼唤其实是镣铐在锒铛作响,历来如此。

    福柯与德勒兹的对话
    (1972.3)

     一般是这么认为:知识分子“向那些尚未看到真理的人以无法说出真理的人的名义道出了真理:意识和雄辩。”。……68年以后,群众能跟好的表述,他们能把自己认识得比知识分子更完美、更清晰。但现实中存在着一种阻碍、禁止和取消这种言论和知识的权力制度……(知识分子应当)而更多的是同那种把他们既当作控制对象又当作工具的权力形式作斗争,即反对“知识”“真理”“意识”“话语”的秩序。

    5-20,Windelban,为丸山真男所引用(当年我去的图书馆丸山先生的书只有两本;现在我去的图书馆,他的各种著作和关于他的书两书架也不止=。=)

     希腊哲学当它以认识站在万有之上的时候,它的思维是那样的直接和单纯,是那样的朴素美丽,又是那样的整齐和谐。但是,我们已经没有必要为我们做不到这一点而可悲。我们不能选择,只能理解。也就是说,这种纯朴无邪已经丧失。我们有必要清楚地懂得,对希腊人所拥有的人类美好幻想,我们要代之以反省来保存它。总之,希望同一棵树在同一时间开花结果是一件愚蠢的事。

    爱克哈特,为Fromm所引用

     你若爱己,那就会爱所有的人如同爱己。你若对一个人的爱少于爱己,那你就是从来也没真正爱过己。——你从来就没真正爱己,倘若你不是爱所有的人如同爱己,倘若你不是在一个人身上爱所有的人——因为这个人就是上帝和人。

    5-24,爱因斯坦

     理智对方法和工具有独到的眼光,但对目的和价值确是盲目的。

    Allan Bloom
     
     问题在于是否存在那样一些作家,他们为建立我们的精神大厦所不可缺少;人们必须去读这些作家的书,和他们一起生活并受他们教育;他们是我们国家生活的解释者乃至缔造者。
     ……大学生寻求到处可得的启迪,不能辨别什么是精华,什么是糟粕;什么是见识,什么是宣传。
      他们成为那些使人感兴趣的道德精神的猎获物——这些形象大多用来推动当前的政治运动和唤起人们对于伟大的简单化的理解和追求——或者,转向迎合他们的私下愿望和邪念,使他们感到自命不凡。
      他不能感觉生活正在缺少什么,不能感觉一种真实的呈现和一种意识扩张的表现之间的区别,不能感觉无聊的伤感和高尚的情操之间的差异。
     ……然而在美国,我们只有资产阶级,热爱英雄是我们可以采取的几种平衡方式之一。一般而言,民主原则不承认伟大……

    5-26 沈从文

     如今居然已生活在二十年前的梦里,而且感到厌倦了,我却明白了自己,始终还是个乡下人,但与乡村已离得很远了。
     我说的是什么?凡能著于文字的事事物物,不过一个人的幻想之糟粕而已。
     可是,这个我的存在,还为的是反照人。正因为一个人的青春是需要装饰的,如不能用智慧来装饰,就用愚骀也无妨。

    6-17 尤瑟纳尔

     王佛,你对孤撒了谎,你这名骗子。世界只不过是一位疯狂的画家在空间信手涂抹出来的一大摊混乱的墨渍,它经常被我们的眼泪所冲刷。汉王国并不是所有王国中最美的国家,孤也并非至高无上的皇帝。最值得统治的帝国只有一个,那就是你王老头通过成千的曲线和上万种颜色所进入的王国。只有你悠然自得地统治着那些覆盖着皑皑白雪终年不化的高山和那些遍地盛开着永不凋谢的水仙花的田野。

     今天先到这里,说句闲话。以前看过索尔贝娄的一部小说据称是以Bloom教授为原型的,过着奢靡的资产阶级生活,还包养了一个华裔的小帅哥>_< 给小帅哥买很好的车,还把他送去瑞士学旅游管理(是不是旅游管理,忘记了),虽然很短但是很有趣的小说。然后前日去看一个西班牙女人拍的美国电影Elegy(开场前导演出来寒暄两句,令我惊讶的年轻,穿着很日本风格的娃娃衫说话也嗲得很>_<),主角亦是年老的美国教授,虽然此人是搞文学理论的,但是总令我想起拉维尔斯坦(就是贝娄那个小说),我是说,两个人性格相同,但是性取向相异。-。-

  • 网路书柜aNobii - [Share]

    2008-09-27

    (网路书柜这个说法真是太台湾了!)

    不是用GR(顺便说一下今天google十周年哦)看这个blog的人应该会注意到最近侧栏多了很多widget, 其中一个就是aNobii。这个网站是老早之前北极以北同学跟我推荐过的,不过那时候阅读非中文书籍的时候不是很多,就没有怎么用过,后来接触中文书籍的机会不多了,就想到这个好地方。

    首先是真的很全,每种语言都很全,只要有isbn号的基本都能找到。Goodreads找英文书很方便,但是遇到其他语言你得在旁边选amazon的各国站点(不过goodreads好像很文艺,也很有作者与读者互动,这个名字好像googlereader阿。。)。然后是每本书可以编辑的信息很多,比如在哪个图书馆借来或者哪个书店买来的,书店是大家添加的,我惊奇的发现上海还有“博师书店”那个阴暗ws的华师大后门小书店的选项…… 和豆瓣相比,就是很简单的书柜,没什么别的功能,后者已经越来越是个社交网站了。但是我看到一个页面是编辑自己的位置信息的,还可以往地图上添加内容,感觉还是很有社区化的潜力阿……

    后来发现anobii原来是香港的,但是活跃用户却是说意大利语的最多,中文用户则集中在台湾。是故“中国研究”的小组整体基调是非常之反华的,在还没有被gfw之前,去逛一逛吧。

      另外,没有人觉得plurk很可爱吗?它华丽丽的界面让我很有变成话痨的冲动,有兴趣的点击这个链接可注册并follow小灰尘。

     唔,作为一个游手好闲不愁吃喝的女青年,我发现自己成了豆瓣、校内、anobii、google家大部分、facebook、flickr 等地的活跃用户,以及饭否,imeem,last.fm,twitter,zooomr, del.icio.us, flixter, netvibes 等地的非活跃用户,互联网发展真是日新月异啊!